November 13th, 2010, 9:50 pm
Numbersix,Here's my point-by-point thoughts on your interesting chain of statements.Cheers!Re §1:§1.1. Agreed. We all want to know the future.Re §2:§2.1. Although contingency is real, I'm less confident that it is independent of state or time. Is not inevitability the antithesis of contingency and don't some states and times lead to inevitability? Don't procyclical economic structures and policies lead, inevitably, to bubbles and crashes so that violent price movements are inevitable, not contingent?Re §3:§3.1. If "state" is derivative, what is it derived from? I agree that the world, as perceived by an entity, starts as undifferentiated fog and that only through effort of repeated sensing and model-based processing, might that entity differentiate the world into discrete objects in discrete states. Note that philosophers of a more holistic mindset would deride the differentiation process as being reductionist (and I would partially agree that reductionism brings some dangers). Others would point out that we have many possible models for state identification of which tree-based financial models are but one.Re §4:§4.1. This issue of "being" vs. the passing thought of a "mark" may be where you and I start to diverge. For me (as someone who studied zoology and artificial life) "thought" is a hyper-derivative process with perhaps half a dozen layers of derivation between thought and the underlying primitive physical world. In many regards, thought sits on the extreme derivative end of the primitive-derivative spectrum. That fact make me extremely reluctant to consider any thought-like phenomenon (e.g., marks or strikes) to be anywhere near raw material or some primitive notion of being or contingency.Re §5:§5.1. Although the strike of contingency certainly leaves a mark on the surface, that does not imply that all "visible marks" on the surface arise from the strike of contingency. First, the surface may have some non-contingent structure whose features might be confused for contingency-induced marks. Second, misperceptions by the mark reader would appear as marks in that reader's mind but they would be marks that have no real underlying because they lie inside the reader, not on the real surface. This second phenomenon is one of the root causes of tree-taint. In essence, a volatility surface is a composition of the price surface and the tree-based model. As such, any marks on volatility surface may represent real phenomena or they may be a mirage induced by the tree-model.Re §6:§6.1. Let me see if I understand your counter-intuitive conversion of the gaze. Would it be fair to say that instead of saying simply "this is this" you would say "this is not that but could have been that?" Is any given "this" intertwined with all the could-have-been-different "thats" that it could have been? If so, I agree that we can look at things by their complements and should look at things by their complements if we wish to understand and manage risk.Re §7:§7.1. A mark on a surface actually has four interpretations, not just two: 1) an uninformative accident or blemish in the surface; 2) a positive bit of information about the world; 3) a negative bit of deception by which the mark maker wishes to induce an action for their own profit; 4) a mirage in the mind the mark-reader. Note that case #1 and #4 are quite distinct because even if they seem "random" because, in case #1, all readers observe the same mark and may have the same reaction to that mark whereas, in case #4, different mark readers see different marks. Case #4 also includes mirage marks induced by the false-models used by the reader. This last case can be rather dangerous because, to the extent that most readers use the same flawed model, those readers will all agree that the mirage mark exists -- the model creates a shared delusion.Re §8:§8.1. I agree with your forward and backward views on functions but would add two observations. First, y=f(x) also defines a coupling between two "could have been different" spaces. The first derivative, f'(x), defines a relative scaling for the relative amounts of difference in x and y. To the extent that f'(x) becomes 0, +INF, or -INF, it places a constraint that one variable or the other couldn't have been different. Second, any real-world y=f(x) comes with: 1) empirical limits on observed x and y (and the implication the y != f(x) outside the observed range); 2) theoretic models that predict potential distortions of f at extreme values of x; 3) dynamical models that reflect distortions or lags in y(t) = f(x(t)) for extreme dx/dt.Re §9:§9.1. The reverse direction, involving recalling the function, also raises the problem of the contingency of the function. That is, we see the y and attempt to recall an f, but the f could have be g or something different. Any inversion process will have this problem of adding contingency to the inverted quantity. That is, we start with a real y, invert through a could-have-been-different f to resolve a could-have-been-even-more-different x.Re §10:§10.1. Perhaps "contingent claims are written only insofar as they will be exchanged in the market," but I see two quibbles and a whopper of a problem. First, why are material marks inseparable from the material sheet? In your statements §5 and §7 you speak of the distinction of the mark/strike/trail on the undifferentiated surface/sheet. Second, exchange may be sufficient, but it is not necessary. I would strongly argue that the act of bidding/offering a contingent claim contract on a market, even if it is not exchanged, is an act of writing. People do use the current bid and offer, not just the historical ticks of exchanged transactions. In fact, for thinly traded instruments, the transaction data is too sparse and quotes must be used.§10.2. This leads to the much more serious issue of whether prices are real or not. Do price quotes mean much? Do traded prices mean much? Two phenomena suggest that prices, even the prices on trades, are less real than we might think. First, although a financial market might, in the long-term, generate efficient prices, the same cannot be said of each individual trade. The arguments underpinning EMH assume that irrationality is steadily removed from the system by reversion of pricing, transfers of wealth from irrational participants to rational ones, and by averaging processes. But none of those processes provides an instant remedy for or proof against real-time mis-pricing. In fact, any auction-like pricing mechanism will suffer from distortions -- see the "winners curse" for why exchange prices can be totally unreal under some conditions.§10.3. Second, market makers and any other hedged market participant do not care if prices are real -- they are insulated from contingency, including much of the contingency inherent in the errors in their methods. Hedged participants don't need EMH and don't need to spend time attempting to compute true prices in the way that unhedged participants do. This insulation from risk attenuates the processes that create efficient prices by making some participants cavalier about the specific price -- they don't care about the price and trade regardless of price. And as the percentage of hedged, cavalier participants in a market increases, the likelihood that two cavalier participants consummate an exchange grows. And if exchanges occur between cavalier participants, then arbitrary price excursions, unhinged from any fundamental rationale for price change, can occur.Re §11:§11.1. Hmmm... The differential view makes sense to me (see my response to §8). Clearly, we can go from y = f(x) to ∆y = f'(x)*∆x to consider the relationship between contingency in an observed value versus contingency in an underlying value. But I can't see why you say "probability is but an integral." Technically, probability is NOT the integral, but the integrand. That is, we integrate probability to estimate an aggregate expectation. That implies that probability is a derivative of expectation.Re §12:§12.1. I fear this statement has lost me -- perhaps I need to see your statements 12a., 12b., 12c., etc. My first fragmentary reaction is that exchange places are integrative both on the level of integrating the arrivals of buyers and sellers and in the sense of integrating price increments generated by those participants who compute prices in relative terms (e.g., those who think "(price(t)=X + news(t+1)=good) implies (price(t+1)=X+∆X)" ). My second fragmentary reaction is that any chain of logic involving the "body of the trader" must exclude hedged participants (e.g., hedged market makers) because hedged participants are pass-through entities that connect trading in one instrument to trading in other hedging instruments without, themselves, taking a net position in any instruments. The body of a hedged trader absorbs nothing.Re §13:§13.1. Perhaps the contingent mark is not computable but....... see my "future" remark on §17 (which was written before this remark! ).§13.2. I, personally, wouldn't say that the function is "forgotten" as much as say that the function is inaccessible to us mere mortals who are endogenous to the system. We humans comprise a growing portion of the function and to the extent that no one human is smart enough to know the behaviour function of all humanity, then no one human can know that function. Moreover, the act of trying to remember or reconstruct the function changes the function if we use it.§13.3. How are contingent marks affected by those that have the hubris (or foolishness) to think they know the function? That is the mechanism by which tree-tainted arrogance leads to tree-tainted contingent marks and tree-tainted market dynamics.Re §14:§14.1. Agreed. Counterfactuals are an absurd game because we don't know the true coupling of components in the world or what was contingent, co-contingent, or inevitable.Re §15:§15.1. I agree that the future world is also real and unpredictable with the proviso that people can and do influence the future world to varying degrees of success. Thus the world is partially uncontrolled in addition to being unpredictable. This is the crucial difference between the roulette table and the markets. Equating markets with games of chance gives rise to the dangers of the ludic fallacy. This is why I wholehearted agree with you about the morbidity of tree-based thinking.§15.2. What fascinates me about the contingency of the markets is the vague sense that some of the most contingent events (e.g., large price movements) may be far less contingent than we think. The very fabric of modern economies and financial systems contain deep pro-cyclical causal links that inevitably induce cycles of boom and bust. This is why I've always felt that Nassim doesn't go far enough with his ideas about black swans and why I do like your ideas about contingency.Re §16:§16.1. Is the market real? Given the association between markets and animal spirits and sayings such as "Markets can remain irrational longer than you can remain solvent," or "you can't fight the tape," I have a hard time agreeing to the reality of the market. Given the pressures on market participants as well as the biological quirks of human cognition, I would say that the market reflects "a" future which might well be an efficient expectation (i.e., anticipation of the actual future reality) or it could be a shared delusion or even an intentional fraud. Any valid theory of contingency-based logic must be able to account for bubbles, crashes, Ponzi schemes, pump-n-dump, Central Banker puts, political witch hunts, etc. Re §17:§17.1. Although I agree that price is non computable that doesn't stop players from computing it. In the same way that gamblers have algorithmic systems that they believe will maximize their roulette winnings, so, too, speculators, investors, and market makers have algorithmic systems that they believe will maximize their trade winnings. These algorithms contain de facto computations of price, either as a point value to be submitted as a limit order or as a half-space threshold for a trade/no-trade decision on hitting a quoted bid or offer. Whether these algorithms compute prices accurately is a separate question whose answer I think we tend to agree on. §17.2. My concern is that whereas gamblers interact with a system whose outcomes are wholly independent of the gambler's wagers (the ball is neither attracted nor repelled by the depth of the chip stack associated with wheel's numbers), the markets are strongly coupled to the wagers of the participants. In fact, it is the participants' wagers that exactly determine the quotes and prices that are then fed into other participants' algorithmic systems. Only at the moment of expiration of a finite duration contract does the "real world" enter into the pricing. But it's worse than we might think because the participants' wagers determine capital flows in the broader economy (e.g., look at the effects of CDS on rates paid by sovereign entities and the impact of those rates on the contingency of default). We may think that equity prices, for example, derive from the economic fundamentals of the underlying companies, but we face a world in which the economic activities of the companies derive from the underlying prices of equities and other instruments. This difference between exogenous contingency (e.g., a game of chance) and endogenous contingency (e.g., a complex adaptive system) colours everything about the ontology and epistemology of markets.Re §18:§18.1. Very true, indeed! Making one market begets making other exotic markets. But it's far more insidious that you suggest. Not only must the market maker factor in (or synthesize) the price of all the ancillary replicating instruments, but he must use the most popular model to do it. Any market maker using an odd-ball model will find themselves strongly long or strongly short with a high volume of hits on his bids and offers. The simple fact that the aggregate capital in the market exceeds the capital available to any one participant implies that no one individual can maintain both bids and offers while being to far from the consensus. Use a strange model, and everyone will think you've mispriced the instrument and apply their capital to the discrepancy. The point is that the price surface recapitulates the endogenous consensus algorithms of the participants rather than reflecting, sampling, or marking an independent exogenous contingent reality. Keynes Beauty Contest trumps both logic and empirical results (although we would hope that both logic and empirical results influence the beauty contest judges!)Re §19:§19.1. Aye, there's the rub, me laddie! §19.2. One common (if kludgy) approach is to define a second-order confidence value to all probability-related statements. This distinguishes between the case of asserting P(event)=0.5 exactly (e.g., a known fair coin) and saying P(event)=0.5 but we're not sure (e.g., a coin of dubious provenance). Although some might counterargue that these two statements are the same or that the probability of the latter should be changed, the rationale for second-order measures of uncertainty come from outcomes that are nonlinear in the real P. This approach is commonly used in safety engineering in which engineer's assessments of the reliability of key components may be backed by data of varying levels of confidence.§19.3. A second approach is to define instruments in ordinal scale terms without assigning an quantitative measure of likelihood or an interval scale of encompassed states. For example we know that an in-the-money expiration of a deep OTM option implies an in-the-money expiration of all shallower strikes. We don't know how diffferent it could have been, but we can say that if it is different enough to trigger instrument B, then it must also trigger instruments {C, D etc.} and if it is different enough to trigger instrument A, then it must also trigger instruments {B, C, D etc.} . This, in turn, sets a ranking of the prices of instruments, but doesn't provide numerical estimates of the prices.§19.4. I don't know that either of these methods is "competitive" with tree-based methods even if both methods are better on theoretical grounds. The first method complicates the calibration process. The second method is much more correct on theoretical grounds but is wholly inferior to trees because it doesn't compute a unique price.Re §20:§20.1. I agree with your distinction -- the tools may be tree-shaped, but the process is not. Yet the distinction doesn't imply that the overall process avoids the taint of the component tree-shaped parts. In particular, the use of tree-tainted probabilistic tools infects the total process in two ways. The first source of tree-taint is in each dynamic increment in which the tree is used as an approximation for the actual unknown ("forgotten") function. This first source introduces potential biases that decline with increasing re-calibration frequencies -- calibrate often enough and the tree-taint diminishes to zero. The second source of tree-taint is in the interpretation of the calibration -- e.g., the tree-tainted interpretation that judges a mark on a volatility smile to be incorrect. The second introduces biases that do not decline with frequency -- the tree-using market maker stubbornly and persistently remarks the price to a tree-tainted value because they stubbornly and persistently assess the surface with a tree-tainted lens.§20.2. Dynamic replication does more than pull the future into the present, it also spreads the gyrations of each instrument into adjacent replicating instruments. Each trade by the dynamic replicator induces trades in the replicant instruments. Each change in price in any instrument also induces re-hedging trades in the replicant instruments. The result is a self-consistency in the markets which sounds great but it's a self-consistency as defined by tree-based methods and tree-based interpretations of all the instruments.§20.3. And I agree that dynamic replication is a game changer, but in more frightening ways that one might think. The act of replication is an act of pass-through in which the replicator nullifies their position through clever combinations of other instruments. This replication and hedging disconnects the replicator from any pressures of correct pricing. They become free to float on an irrational surface because hedging insulates them from the capricious flux of contingency. That's great for the replicator, but terrible for anyone else that depends on prices written by the replication-using market maker.§20.4. Although I would not go this far (really! really! really!), some might argue that hedging by a market maker is unethical because it means the market maker has no skin the game, no motivation to price instruments correctly, no concern for fellow market participants because the hedged participant does not share the risks or contingency of price movements in all but extreme conditions. In essence, a hedged participant is like the U.S. mortgage brokers who had no motivation to correctly price mortgages because these brokers were never exposed to the risks of those mispriced mortgages. As long as mortgage brokers and hedged market makers are compensated for deal flow (the volume times spread), they have every incentive to make trades happen but no incentive to make them happen at "correct" prices. Please know that I'm not casting aspersions on market makers' morality, only noting the disconnect that it replication creates.Re §21:§21.1. The entitlement of the market maker to use a tree-based pricing tool would seem to hinge on one key question. Does the tree-based logic of the pricing tool affect the price offered by the market maker or the hedging ratios employed by the market maker? If tree-based logic is wrong and it affects the market maker's work product, then they aren't entitled to use tree-based logic for the pricing tool. Although replication may insulate the market maker from the errors in their tools, replication doesn't insulate the market from those errors.Re §22:§22.1. I disagree entirely that "recalibration is what constantly undermines any tendency that the tree would have had to extend its branches and probabilistic transitions again". Although periodic recalibration clips the tree, it does not entirely avoid the tree's taint if that taint exerts a bias. If the truck of the tree pulls the market to the right, reclaibration may limit the radius of that right turn, but it won't prevent the market from inexorably pulling to the right. If the tree-based method constantly underprices deep OTM options by 10%, how does recalibration fix that?Re §23:§23.1. I suspect that one large difference between you vs. I is one of description vs. prescription respectively. Your's seems like a prescriptive argument for why people should not think of the markets in certain highly popular ways (and a apologia for why market makers are entitled to think that way). In that regard, I agree with your first point and want to push the argument further -- that even market makers shouldn't think in trees. In contrast, mine is a descriptive argument which says, in a nutshell, that if people use the logic of probabilities to price instruments and manage contingency, then the shadow of that logic will affect instrument prices, trading volumes, open interest, capital flows and the contingencies themselves. Rather than use independently realized empirical outcomes to scientifically drive theory, I see that our modern financial system using theory to unwittingly drive empirical outcomes.Re §24:§24.1. Yes, what is the market of reality at large? Do prices reflect the future as we expect it is, as we think it should be, as we think it could be, as we wish it to be, as we fear it to be, as we ......? I think the answer varies with the market and with the times. But the more interesting issue, especially with respect to those that live in moment on the surface is: who is this "we" that is doing all this thinking about markets and the future? At the very best, the "we" is that subset of people with the cash, instrument holdings, attention, and decision rights to both watch and transact in the market. This is already a tiny fragment of the total market, the total body of expertise, and even the total set of people who have incentive to watch the market. In the context of prices, the we is even narrower than that and this is where we must drop all the aggregate arguments about equilibrium prices, market efficiency, and collective intelligence to recognize the individuality inherent at the microstructure level. A price quote represents the idiosyncratic thoughts of one single trader. Moreover, an open quote implies that no currently vigilant counterparty agrees to take the other side (i.e., there's no "we" in the we at all). Even a consummated exchange represents the thoughts of only only two parties with a high potential of an asymmetric consensus (i.e., a wide variety of reasons of why either buyer or seller think the traded price could have, maybe should have, been different.) The point is that prices, at the real-time level, don't represent a global reality but an extremely local one that might be subject to all manner of delusions (including delusions that dynamic calibration makes things OK).
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Traden4Alpha on November 12th, 2010, 11:00 pm, edited 1 time in total.